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Author : Professor Angelo Bissessarsingh ( HMG) Virtual Museum of Trinidad and Tobago, (Published by Patricia Bissessarsingh, Nov 7, 2023)
In the first chapter of this three-part series we looked at the religious awakenings of Hinduism under indentureship among the Indo Trinidadians of the 19th century. This consciousness of self and personal doctrine was largely due to the formation of small villages as Sir Louis De Verteuil noted in 1884:
“Many have already availed themselves of the offer, and have thus become permanent settlers. At first they were granted 10 acres of land, worth £10, considered as equivalent to the passage-money. As a rule, a locality is selected, surveyed in lots of five acres, and a settlement is thus formed of Indian immigrants only; and an Indian name is given to the settlement. Thus we have the Calcutta, the Madras, the Barrackpoor, and the Fyzabad settlements. The immigrants are thus encouraged to form small communities, speaking the same language, and having the same habits and ways.”
In these settlements, village life went on much the same way as it had in India for thousands of years. The community council of the panchayat was revived and festivals observed regularly. Divali was not initially foremost among these. It began as largely a family affair among the immigrants since its celebration as a neighbourhood occasion is not mentioned anywhere in the writings of the 19thcentury. The all-important deya was most likely moulded from the earth of the dooryard of the homesteads formed by the Indians in their villages and filled with coconut oil made by themselves from nuts grown on their own land. Phagwa was a much larger concern since its riot of colours and very nature made it a village event.
Divali truly emerged as a large-scale festival in the 20th century, about a decade or so after the end of indentureship in 1917. It began to take on an elaborate dimension with bamboo being split into fantastic scaffoldings wherein thousands of deyas would be placed to shine forth . The sound of bursting bamboo is still something which breaks on the ear and heralds the Divali season and it is a pastime indulged in by all the youths of the community regardless of colour or creed. Deyas were also being mass produced by potters, especially along the Southern Main Road from Chase Village to Chaguanas where they still ply their ancestral trades today. Along the main road and Cacandee Road in Felicity is where the first large community Divali displays began to occur in the 1950s. Anthropologist Morton Klass lived for a while in the area whilst observing the villagers and noted:
“This is a festival of lights said to be in honour of both the goddess Lakshmi and of Lord Rama’s return from the forest. It falls on the thirteenth day of the first half of the month of Kartik or around November, and is one of the most happily and eagerly anticipated of holidays . Every house is cleaned , fresh curtains are hung and special delicacies are prepared. Around each house a display of deyas is set out. During Divali the maximum number of deyas that the family can afford is displayed. The deyas are lighted at sunset and mos of the children and old people remain at home to keep them refilled and burning. There is a service in the Siwala in the evening but few except the most religious attend and most of these for a short time. Most of the younger adults set out and lighted their own deyas go walking through the community to see the display of others.”
Stay tuned for the final installment of this series to find out how Divali emerged from its enclave in the Indo Trinidadian villages to achieve national holiday status and its continued evolution.
Painting courtesy Rudolph Bissessarsingh

​In the first chapter of this three-part series written by historian Angelo Bissessarsingh we are given an insight into the religious awakenings of Hinduism under indentureship among the Indo-Trinidadians of the 19th century.
CHAPTER 1
Hinduism’s Arrival in the West Indies.
Author : Angelo Bissessarsingh.
As a historian and erstwhile anthropologist it never ceases to amaze me at how religious and cultural tolerance manifests itself in Trinidad and Tobago. Almost every schoolchild can recite a basic understanding of the annual Hindu festival of Lights, Divali. They know the elements of the triumph of light over darkness, good over evil, bits of the sacred Ramayana and the welcoming of the goddess Lakshmi into the home to ensure a year of prosperity for the family.
There are few communities here where in the Hindu calendar month of Kartik (although the earlier month of Ashvin sometimes encompasses the festival) where the firefly lights of tiny clay deyas do not shine forth on the night of the festival, upholding ancient traditions deeply rooted in our ancestry.
To fully understand the portent of Divali (Deepaavali as the celebration is known in India) one must take a brief look at the roots of Hinduism in Trinidad and Tobago. In 1845 a group of indentured immigrants arrived from India aboard the Fatel Razack as the first of thousands who would flock hither to found a new society in an alien land. With them to the west came the ancient ways of their motherland and Hinduism had arrived. Initially there was no provision for any cultural or religious freedom since the colonial authorities merely envisioned the presence of the Indians as an easily-replenished source of labour bound to fixed contracts. It was only when the eminent suitability of these people for sugar estate work became apparent then financial and land incentives were offered between 1860 and 1880 which resulted in the formation of a permanent peasant class.
It is with this firm establishment that itinerant babajis or pundits began to appear in the villages of their people alongside quaint mandirs with mud walls and carat-thatched roofs. A few of these holy men were real Brahmins but these were in the minority with a large number merely being elevated to piety by having a considerable knowledge of the epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Although most of the indentured immigrants were from agrarian classes were from rural stock and formerly bound by the fetters of the caste system, it was noted in 1887 by J.H Collens (in a rather myopic account) that a widespread knowledge of the epics was apparent and this of course was the local origin of the Ramayana readings and Ramleela plays which have characterized Indo -Trinidadian Hinduism ever since:
“It must be acknowledged that the Puranas are a mass of contradiction, extravagance, and idolatry, though couched in highly poetical language. It is, nevertheless, astonishing how familiar the Trinidadian coolies are with them ; even amongst the humble labourers who till our fields there is a considerable knowledge of them, and you may often in the evening, work being done, see and hear a group of coolies crouching down in a semicircle, chanting whole stanzas of the epic poems, Ramayan etc. In the preface of the Ramayan it is stated that he who constantly hears and sings this poem will obtain the highest bliss hereafter, and become as one of the gods.”
It is this spiritual awakening which inevitably led to the introduction of Divali and other Hindu festivals to Trinidad. In the next chapter of this series, we will look at how deyas punctuated the darkness in rural Trinidad as Divali emerged as a national phenomenon.
Photo :Three babas or pundits in Trinidad circa 1894. The permanent settlement of formerly indentured immigrants paved the way for a cultural and religious expansion of their identities hitherto suppressed by the colonial plantocracy.
​(Source:  Patricia Bissessarsingh, Oct 15, 2022)

By the late Angelo Bissessarsingh. 
​The first organized cricket club in the island was formed in the late 1870s by a group of English colonial officers and planters. The Sovereign Cricket club membership eventually formed what was the genesis of the still-existing Queen’s Park Cricket Club (QPCC) in 1891. Five years later, the QPCC acquired the lease on lands which were to become the Queen’s Park Oval which is today one of the best cricketing arenas in the Caribbean. The ethnic composition of the QPCC came under fire in the 1890s. This was an era characterized by anti-colonial sentiments and heightened by the presence of several influential and vocal coloured men who spoke out against old and racially biased stratification of colonial society. One of these agitators in particular, Edgar Maresse-Smith, was pivotal in having Lebrun Constantine accepted into the QPCC as its first non-white member.
Lebrun Constantine was born in Maraval , a district barely a mile outside Trinidad’s capital city of Port-of-Spain on a cocoa plantation where his parents were workers. He worked on a cocoa estate as well in his youth and played cricket in matches held at the Queen’s Park Savannah in Port-of-Spain where he quickly established a reputation for being a good batsman. At that time Cricket in Trinidad had not as yet taken on an organized front although one of the most distinguished icons of the game was born in the island.
Lebrun made history as well as being a regular on the Trinidad cricket team from as early as 1893-94. Inter-colonial cricket matches between Trinidad, Barbados and Jamaica were then popular and Lebrun was a player in almost every meet after 1899. The first three tournaments were fielded with all-white teams. In 1894, Robert Slade made the first tour of the West Indies with an English cricket team, followed two years later by a team under Arthur Priestly. In the latter tour, the English side came up against an all-West Indian contingent that included Lebrun Constantine and lost. In 1900, R.S.A Warner (brother of Sir Pelham Warner) led the first West Indian touring team to England.
Although not accorded first class status, the West Indians played well. Once again, the lineup included Lebrun Constantine as a batsman and wicket keeper. His batting averages were second in the West Indies team, being 30 for 610. During this tour as well, Constantine made history by becoming the first West Indian to score a century (113 runs) against an English team. In 1906 another tour to England took place of which he was a member. This time he managed to be third in the batting averages. Of his performance in the 1906 tour, the following commentary was given;
"another of the brigade who proved himself very strong on the left side and can bat with power. He fields in the slips and can bowl right arm medium pace if required".
Aside from his prowess as a batsman and wicket keeper, Lebrun was also a fielder of note with his energy and accuracy coming in for high praise. Lebrun Constantine’s last match of his professional career was in a 1923 inter-colonial match against Barbados. This was a landmark event since also in the batting lineup was Lebrun’s son – Learie Nicholas Constantine (21 September 1901 – 1 July 1971) - who rose to become one of the greatest cricketers in history and was later knighted and in 1969 became the first black peer in the House of Lords as Baron Constantine of Maraval in Trinidad and the County Palatine in Lancaster. Another son, Elias (22 May 1912 – 22 May 2003) also became a cricketer of renown, and who played for the West Indies in test matches in the 1930s. Despite his pioneering career he was largely low-profile in his own homeland. Whilst touring with the first West Indian teams, he supported himself as a coachman in the employ of Madame Poleska de Boissiere. Lebrun occasionally made public statements on cricket in the local press but remained mostly private until he died in 1942. 
(Source: Angelo Bissessarsingh's Vitrual Museum of Trinidad & Tobago, September 21, 2023)